forum. Ismail Omar Guelleh finally officially appointed Djibouti as the fifth president in a Somali telephone interview with the BBC in early March. “In fact, He said, I don’t want to, but people force me […] Youth told me “Stay, don’t go“ This is why I represent myself for the last time. “ Therefore, due to a lack of ideas and ideas, the regime repeated the same entourage as in 2016. At that time, “IOG” had already claimed to withdraw its troops.His compatriot did “Stress” In order for him to represent himself, he asked African youth.
The outgoing president has been weakened by the exercise of power for 22 years, and clings to the head of state like a monarch. However, more than ever, people are eager for profound changes and express clear content. The sign of the end of the fourth term of the IOG is freedom of speech, especially on social networks, which has become the only way to express the population of Djibouti. Despite the fierce suppression of the regime, the people who still showed their faces remained undetected.
On the ballot, boycotting opponents opened the way for pseudo-political opponents. These were created from the ground up and reappeared in each election during the carefully planned phased work of the presidential election to confirm and legitimize the electoral process. And this year, the deadline on April 9 (Friday) is approaching, and those in power have chosen their opponents. However, instead of choosing the usual candidate, he chose an independent person who is unknown to the political arena and the president’s nephew. Absurd fancy dress party.
« Let us continue together”, Stay close to the new campaign slogan that will be released soon. In other words, let us persistently violate democratic freedoms, arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, judicialization, insecurity, corruption, embezzlement and public contracts (with mutual consent), to name just these examples. There are so many public appearances of the president, including between the foundation stone laying and ribbon cutting, and the noise accompanied by singing and dancing to express the glory of IOG and his wife.
The power in place always uses fear and suppression to avoid uprisings and uprisings.This «Carter» -A plant whose chewed leaves have a powerful mental effect-has become a tool to control youth. This is a scourge, especially necessary for the survival of the regime during the election period. IOG expressed its desire to place the mandate under the symbol of youth. Now is the time: Djibouti is a country where 73% of the population is under the age of 35, and the youth unemployment rate exceeds 70% (60% of the total population). What can Ismaïl Omar Guelleh do in the next five years for young people he cannot achieve in 22 years?
In terms of employment, young people are the first victims of tribalism established as a governance model. It is not only an element of skills or elite management, but also a key asset for professional integration, but most importantly, it is frustrating for young people whose promotion and promotion in the executive branch is blocked. This kind of tribalism is inherited from the French colonial system, After the chairmanship of Hassan Gouled Aptidon, independence has been maintained and has been further strengthened under the rule of IOG. It builds a political game based on the logic of division and discrimination, in which certain ethnic groups and/or tribes have the right to participate in several ministers and parliaments, while other ethnic groups and/or tribes can only enjoy one.
Although they come from ethnic groups and/or tribes in Djibouti, elected officials are in the service of power, not common interests. In the past two decades, it has witnessed the rise of a ruling class that has separated from the people it should have originally represented. This form of representation is conducive to the survival of the regime, and its division is not limited to unity, but also caused political shifts aimed at manipulating and opposing the opposition between community groups.
By strengthening tribalism, the Geller regime established so-called clan authoritarianism. He expanded the “mamasanization”, in other words, the preferential treatment reserved for the presidential clan Mamasan. They are the people who manage the country’s main security agencies and major economic sectors. In the fields of security and defense, this “mammalization” of responsible positions is particularly evident. This is a major safety net that is prepared to take any measures to maintain its regime and punish those who resist its policies.
This “clanized” country has slipped into the dignity of the republic, benefiting from its institutional support. It is this ideology that undermines the country’s fundamentals and slows down its development. It stifled the republican or patriotic aspirations of the Djiboutians. By weakening the social structure and national cohesion, it now carries the seeds of serious instability, and even embodies the country, causing rifts between tribes, clans and even sub-sects.
The failure of Ismail Omar Guelleh’s power to unite Djiboutians around common and fraternal values is unattractive. The April presidential election is expected to be the perfect barometer of the degree of social division and social disunity. A solution must be found to make Djibouti a better life together. It is time to determine the course by giving meaning to the republic and “de-ethnicizing” politics.